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Upon whom will the ashes of Baghdad fall down?
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by
Franck Biancheri:
President of TIESWeb and Director for Studies and Strategy
of Europe 2020.
17/03/2003 |
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The
three post-war scenarios regarding
EU-US relations
In May 1997, in Washington, at the
'Bridging the Atlantic: People to
People' conference, organized by State
Department, EU Commission and Dutch
Foreign Affairs, we (a bunch of European
and American citizens coming from
NGOs and academia) invented TIESWEB
in order to increase the relations
between European and American civil
societies because we were convinced
that Internet will boost the influence
of citizens in the sphere of international
relations.
In
April 2000 in Atlanta, I told a US
audience of experts on Transatlantic
relations gathered for the 'Transatlantic
2020' conference, that in the coming
years the US would 'land in history'
as they would painfully experiment
the fact they could no longer ignore
the weight of the rest of the world
on their own decisions, contrary to
what they could afford doing in most
of their past history. The past two
years seem to have tragically proved
this analysis true.
In
October 2001, TIESWEB Board decided
to plan for November 2002 in Miami,
a big congress called 'Reshaping Transatlantic
Relations for the XXIst century: the
citizens' perspective' because we
were thinking that EU/US relations
were coming to a point where they
will require a complete reassessment;
and that public opinions will play
a much greater role in the future,
next to business and governments.
In
all three cases, most 'experts' of
Transatlantic relations found our
initiatives or analysis irrelevant
or pure speculations. This says a
lot about the 'experts' ability to
anticipate when things go into crisis
and drastic changes. And here definitely
we are amidst a major one regarding
EU/US relations.
Therefore
as a citizen promoting European construction
for 17 years, and for about 6 years
now, with TIESWEB, contributing to
enlarge Europeans-Americans dialogs
at citizens' level, I feel compelled
to share with my European and American
friends what the current crisis tells
me about tomorrow, about the EU, about
the US and about their relations after
the coming Gulf War II. Much of what
made this relation in the past 50
years has already been destroyed,
much more will be in the coming weeks.
For me, that says only that a lot
will have to be rebuilt tomorrow.
Preparing
a coalition of willing citizens to
rebuild Transatlantic relations
To
be successful, the 'coalition of willing
citizens' from both sides eager to
reshape EU/US relations has to be
clear now about why we got there and
what are the possible consequences
of the coming war. Tomorrow's EU/US
relations would have to be cleared
from the people and ideas who led
us where we are today if we want them
to be both stable and useful for the
rest of the world. This work has to
start now, before the war even starts.
As indeed, much will have to be discussed
and rebuilt between the EU and the
US.
Three
major scenarios for the post Gulf
War II world disorder
Let's
get a bigger picture and look at consequences
on the Transatlantic relations as
well as on each side of the Atlantic
Ocean.
The growing complexity of EU/US relations
will enter into a process of simplification
in the coming months with coming Gulf
War II. This war will only leave three
main gates to enter our common future.
The
Gate to Heaven ? The US administration's
perfect war
Gulf War II is 'the perfect war'
as planned by US and UK officials.
A few weeks of combat with limited
military casualties on the US/UK side
and limited civilian casualties on
Iraqi side. Then, in a matter of six
months, the stabilization of Iraq
allows a peaceful process of transmission
of powers to a new civilian democratic
Iraqi regime, while a renewed peace
process in the Middle East opens a
new era of stability and peace for
the whole region and the world.
If this scenario becomes reality,
then the consequences are pretty obvious:
. US leadership on world affairs
will be even bigger than now
. internally Americans will give long
lasting support to the three groups
defining Bush's vision of the US (faith
addicts, business opportunists and ideologists)
. externally Washington will move fast
to reshuffle the UN system and will
most probably try to get rid of France
as a permanent member of the UN Security
Council (knowing that any reshuffling
of the UN Security Council will lead
to the suppression of both French and
UK seats, to be replaced by a European
one).
. European Unions attempt to build
a Foreign Policy of its own will be
totally stopped
. Nato will be reshaped as a 'coalition
of the willing' supporting US objectives
. European points on world agendas will
be almost all skipped in favour of US
ones.
But, as a matter of fact, it is important
to keep in mind that this 'perfect
scenario' is already impossible to
achieve as for months, the Bush administration
has repeatedly failed to convince
most of its closest allies to support
the coming war. In terms of strategy,
the drift away from the perfect scenario
is already very significant.
The
Gate to Hell? The US Administration
war nightmare Gulf war II is
the "mother of all nightmares"
as expected by Saddam and feared by
many around the world (including in
the US and Europe). This is the exact
opposite outcome compared to the previous
one. The war has to last more than
a few weeks as Iraq is not rapidly
secured by US forces. Months after
the invasion, the country is still
split in chaos with various groups
(Saddam loyalists, religious or ethnic
groups,
) fighting among each
other and with the US/UK forces. Death
toll of Iraqi civilians goes up by
thousands every month; while hundreds
of US and UK soldiers get killed or
wounded. Neighbouring countries enter
the game in order to take their share
of Iraq or to prevent chaos to enter
their own borders. Oil prices rocket
to the sky and trigger a worldwide
deep recession. Terrorists attacks
are perpetrated against US and Western
interests in the world. Israel/Palestine
relations move towards an even greater
level of conflict. Only half of these
possibilities do represent a nightmare
scenario. Not only for the US but
for the whole international community.
International consequences are numerous:
. UN has to come at the rescue of
US/UK and will impose conditions
to both countries regarding the war
outcome; most of Bush's global agenda
is turned upside down and the US administration
is obliged to comply with the very multilateral
processes it intended to free itself
from.
. US weakness creates a big vacuum
in world order and weakens the whole
UN and ability to enforce international
law; meanwhile it loses all the moral
credibility accumulated in past decades.
. EU's will to create a foreign policy
of its own is considerably strengthened
and accelerated with UK being sidelined
as a credible player, while the
French-German alliance is setting major
goals
. Prime Ministers Blair and Aznar
are obliged to resign
. in the US a major political crisis
is started with two sides getting more
and more at odds: the Bush side
complaining of lack of support from
allies and Democrats; while Democrats
call for a 'regime change' in the US.
The coming presidential election in
2004 sees an extremely polarized campaign.
The
Gate to tomorrow's world? The US landing
painfully into history, with the UN
to rebuild Gulf War II, as
already many signs indicate it, will
mark the end of the era opened after
WW II and ends up the 'era of superpowers'.
Globalization shows the limits of
any power, even the biggest one.
Probably, history will follow a path
somewhere in between the two previous
scenarios, combining elements of both.
But even in that case, some major
consequences may be identified:
. the US will loose most of its
moral credibility, patiently built
up by generations of Americans.
In terms of global public opinion,
it already has lost the war. Only
a very unlikely "perfect war"
scenario could limit (not even prevent)
the damages. Many in the Administration
today will say that this is not very
important, or that success will bring
it back. Both assumptions are wrong:
first, when you are in a dominant
position, your domination is far more
acceptable when it is rooted in some
recognition of moral (which also means
cultural) domination. Without it,
domination rapidly becomes difficult
to accept, if it does not generate
negative reactions, making the domination
even more complex to manage. Second,
it cannot be rapidly brought back,
and it can never be fully brought
back, as it is like a capital which
has been wasted.
And this international loss will also
be felt internally, creating a growing
discomfort among American citizens,
increasingly dubious of their own
country moral standards.
Let's be extremely clear on that issue:
today the US Army is the only 'American
pillar' still intact in US citizens'
mind. In recent years, Church, Corporate
America, Hi-Tech Pioneering America
(NASA) and the Presidency itself have
been torn down with failures and scandals.
A serious military set-back would
generate an extremely strong wave
of doubts throughout the US.
. the cost of the war (which will
not be paid by the allies) will drag
US deficits of all kinds towards deeper
negative trends, enhancing already
existing tensions within the US in
terms of funds for education, for
social protection, for environmental
protection,
and for job-creation.
The US is indeed an empire (as a political
power), but contrarily to current
well-shared conviction, it is already
a decaying empire. The turning point
took place somewhere in the 70s and
was massively overshadowed by the
collapse of USSR and the Internet
bubble. Till the 70s, the sheer size
of US economy and its political as
well as intellectual (education, research,
media, ..) advance compared to the
rest of the world allowed it to truly
be 'above history', not seriously
affected by the rest of the world's
evolutions. Today, and for about at
least 2 decades, this is not true
anymore and we are the witnesses of
the US landing into history, discovering
that it still is the biggest one,
but not anymore big enough to ignore
constraints coming from the rest of
the world. Therefore whatever are
the expectations put in Washington
behind Gulf War II, they will only
be met with limited and short-lived
results because reality has definitely
changed and will not come back to
the 50s.
. Europeans will move forward to
forge a European Foreign and Security
policy. Maybe not all Europeans
at once, but a core group of Europeans,
those who lived extremely negatively
the whole Gulf War II preparation
phase. France and Germany will definitely
be core to this group. But Spain will
most certainly join as soon as the
current government will leave the
place to a new one. Eastern Europeans'
support to US positions will fade
away in a matter of 4/5 years, the
required time to pave the way for
a new generation of leaders over there.
One thing has to be said: Europe's
young generations (all through Europe)
do not feel positive towards the current
US power (and they do not remember
WW II!). The current game played by
the US with a few mercenary-governments,
trying to jeopardize even more the
weak emerging EU foreign policy, has
left extremely bitter feelings among
young Europeans who are in large majority
pro-European integration. Imagine
tomorrow Europe trying to play California
or New Mexico against Washington?
What would US feelings be in that
case? Bad tricks have been played
on both sides and they will require
a lot of healing.
Leadership
crisis on both sides of the Atlantic
All those powers lacked a capacity
of coordination which prevented them
to propose and led them to oppose
(e.g. contributing to support the
US-led troops in the Gulf in order
to weigh on decisions, avoid the arguments
saying that they do nothing, increase
pressures on Saddam, and come with
a comprehensive proposal for enhancing
stability and democracy in the Middle
East
which is indeed a true
issue). The EU lost the 90s decade
to prepare itself for the big tests
of reality: political management of
the Euro, enlargement to 25/27 countries
and conducting a foreign policy of
its own. Therefore it finds itself
today amidst the calls for action
with neither the instruments ready-to-use
nor the leaders able to go beyond
national visions. In a surprising
parallel, a leadership crisis is simultaneously
affecting both sides of the Atlantic:
while in the US the growing Washington
parochialism is marking a declining
ability to understand the outside
world, in the EU the incapacity of
the leadership to overcome national
perspectives and to really develop
a European vision is conducting to
the incapacity to pro-act.
The
EU: The consequences of its divides
show how much its unity matters
The European Union, appears clearly
has a major component of the current
crisis, strangely enough because of
its internal divides. They are of
two kinds:
. among leaders themselves (on whom
most analysts have focused as it has
the main impact on the current crisis)
. between some leaders and their public
opinions.
Before getting deeper into the analysis,
let's get rid of the purely absurd
divide between 'Old and New Europe'.
Europe is an old continent and all
its components are old. If there is
anything new in Europe, it is the
European Union. The candidate countries
are just going through the painful
process of integration into this new
European political entity. In a matter
of a few years, differences within
the EU will as always be between national
interests and visions and not between
older or younger members.
The most relevant divide between leaders
is definitely the divide between the
UK and Spain on the one hand; and
Germany and France on the other hand.
UK and Spain support the US position
for a war with Iraq (though I really
wonder what the Spanish government's
support really means, as it does not
even commit troops for this war?);
while France and Germany oppose. To
look at the consequences of the war,
it does not seem to me useful to spend
much time on looking further at this
leadership divide: for one reason
at least, it is very much linked with
the very individuals currently in
charge and who will no longer be in
charge in 3 to 5 years at most. This
is even more true for Spanish government's
position which does not even commit
troops and faces the highest level
of public opinion opposition to the
war: its positioning is totally linked
to the current government and does
not root itself in any long term trend
(but a certain bad feeling with the
German-French arrogance).
Spain
and UK vs France and Germany? Or Aznar
and Blair vs most Europeans So
let's concentrate on another question:
Are both sides of equivalent long
term significance?
I do not think so. The UK/Spanish
camp is facing a strong internal public
opinion opposition to the governmental
stances; while the French/German side
is on the contrary heavily supported
by its public opinions. This does
not say who is wrong or right (as
indeed leaders are not supposed to
follow their people, neither are they
supposed to ignore them); but it says
who is speaking in name of a people
or who is speaking in his own name,
with a certain idea of its country-
(or party-) interests. And currently
it matters much as public opinions
are not just getting suddenly emotional
on a topic they just discover. Iraq
is an 12 year old issue now. A first
war already took place and was supported
by public opinions. Citizens are well
informed and the media cover extensively
the debates on the possible new war.
Just by zapping throughout European
TV channels on Friday afternoon, one
could see that in every European country
one or the other national TV channel
was broadcasting live the debates
at UN Security Council. Public opinions
made its mind and is very unlikely
to change it in the coming months.
And in Spain/UK or others of the same
camp, not only did leaders failed
to change their public opinions mindset;
but on the contrary they are losing
every day more support.
From what we have been seeing in the
past months, from Romania to Ireland,
European public opinions for the first
time are converging on a major international
crisis to a level such as we can call
it 'the European public opinion'.
And French, German or Belgian leaders
do currently embody the very policy
this emerging public opinion is calling
for.
Europeans
do think the same now; it is only
the voice which is missing This
says two things:
. this crisis is definitely helping
out in the future shaping up of European
Foreign Security policy as it shows
that on major issues, Europeans (and
I do not mean leaders but citizens)
can converge and identify common interests.
For the upcoming generation of European
leaders, this is going to be a major
intellectual asset when in 5/10 years
they will have to start shaping up this
new 500 millions people political entity.
. Europeans do not see the future of
EU Foreign policy as a mere supporter
of US policy but rather as a partner
in co-defining policy goals and methods.
Now
comes my conclusion.
In almost all scenarios but the first
one we are heading to major confrontations
between the EU and the US. Not that
American citizens and European citizens
are doomed to disagree more and more.
On
the contrary, they are closer than
ever before. But the top of our two
political entities are taken into
a spiralling opposition process. The
major intellectual debate about multilateralism
is just about this growing opposition.
The
US elites have huge difficulties to
understand that this multilateral
process is just the normal way of
life for all other countries on the
planet and that "volens nolens"
the US is also joining the club because
it is no longer what it used to be.
Whether US elites will learn the game
is definitely the big question of
the next decades.
Europeans
on the other hand have to assume the
growing power nature of their political
entity (it is also by using its potential
power that it will help stabilizing
global arenas). But they need to also
pay the cost of it (shaping up a proper
European vision, assuming defense
costs,
). Even for the US it
will be a better situation. Indeed
you'd better have a strong partner
knowing what it wants, than an insecure
one always wondering where it stands.
But
to reach that level Europe's require
European elites. They are still not
in power, but the upcoming European
generation may deliver them.
And now to end it all, a question.
Even if I have started to learn a
lot about the US in the past decade,
I am far from pretending knowing the
Americans. But I know that part of
the answer for future EU/US relations
will come from the American up-coming
generation. So my question is:
What kind of country do this generation
think they live into, they will run?
In which world? Out of which of the
above scenarios do they think their
country will emerge?
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